The Tamir Rice Fiasco: A Step Toward Embracing Mob Justice In Police Shootings

Oh, yeah, THIS is going to work...

Oh, yeah, THIS is going to work…

Because they believe that law enforcement officials did not move fast enough to indict (or not) the officers involved in the tragic, mistaken shooting of Tamir Rice, community activists are going  to seek the indictment and arrest of the Cleveland police officers involved by using a little-known and eccentric Ohio law that permits citizens to go directly to a judge with affidavits to seek murder charges. We can only hope that the judge chosen for this end-around has the courage and integrity to reject the petition as the attack on due process that it is.  I would not want to bet the farm on that happening.

Twelve-year-old Tamir Rice’s death is one of the most horrible among the spate of police shootings that have caused local and national outrage in the past year. On November 22, 2014 two police officers, 26-year-old Timothy Loehmann and 46-year-old Frank Garmback, responded to a city park after receiving a police dispatch call about “a male sitting on a swing and pointing a gun at people.” A 911 caller had reported that an African American male was pointing “a pistol” at random people in the Cudell Recreation Center and that “he is probably” a juvenile .The caller also said the gun was “probably fake,” but was unable to tell whether the weapon was real or not because the orange barrel markings used to identify toy weapons had been removed. This information was never relayed to the officers.

Surveillance video without audio shows Rice walking around the park, occasionally extending his right arm with what looks like a gun in his hand, talking on his cellphone, and sitting at a picnic table.  The officers’ patrol car pulls up, and Rice appears to move his right hand toward his waist. Loehmann gets out of the patrol car within seconds and shoots the boy from close range. Neither officer administers any first aid to Rice after the shooting, who died in a hospital the next day.

The family has filed a lawsuit against the city of Cleveland, Loehmann, Garmback, 100 unnamed 911 operators, and other officers and city employees. It has a strong chance at succeeding. Meanwhile, the investigation has dragged on longer than the community seems to be able to tolerate, and that is understandable. But this incident, with these facts, is not an easy case in which to find criminal intent.

On June 3rd, the Cuyahoga County Sheriff’s Office released a statement announcing that its investigation was complete, and that they were turning over the findings over to Cleveland prosecutor Tim McGinty. The next step is for him to review to review it and decide whether to seek an indictment before a grand jury.

It’s now June 9, and McGinty has not been given a reasonable amount of time to review the findings. However, spurred on by the controversy over Mike Brown’s shooting in Ferguson, where a grand jury–correctly—refused to indict the shooting officer despite rioting in the city; the results of the Eric Garner case, in which a New York City grand jury also refused to indict officers despite a disturbing video; and especially the Freddie Gray case in Baltimore, where the Maryland state’s attorney rushed to indict six police officers in an obvious and admitted response to community agitation, Cleveland activists have decided to bypass the prosecutor’s involvement entirely, or at least to try.

“Here we are taking some control of the process as citizens,” said Walter Madison, a lawyer for the Rice family, noting pointedly that similar cases that went to grand juries had results “unfavorable to the families.” The problem with this reasoning is that the objective of the grand jury process is to follow the law, not to make the families of the individuals killed feel better. I’m sure many of them would love to bypass trials entirely and execute the police officers responsible, regardless of legal definitions, evidentiary requirements, the right to a fair trial and the presumption of innocence. That may be favorable in their eyes, but what is favorable to society is to follow due process and the rule of law, and to reject attempted mob influence of the justice system.

The seldom used Ohio law allows anyone with “knowledge of the facts” to file a court affidavit and ask a judge to issue an arrest warrant. If approved, such an arrest is  followed by a public hearing.  The Rice mob says that this would be preferable to allowing prosecutors to make the decision in secret. They are wrong. Secrecy makes it possible to get crucial and decisive testimony that would never be available any other way. This is an example of emotional amateurs hijacking a process that requires measured, objective professionalism. The chief of the Cleveland Police Patrolmen’s Association called the move an “attempt to totally disrespect and disregard our justice system” and warned that such efforts would worsen the “increasing lawlessness of an emboldened criminal element.” I recommend that Cleveland residents take his statement seriously. Baltimore police have apparently stopped aggressive policing, resulting in no controversial deaths of suspects, just a crime wave and the highest murder rate Baltimore has seen in 40 years.

Some authorities say that the case will end up before a grand jury no matter what results from the attempted end-around.  A spokesman for  McGinty told the news media that the grand jury “ultimately makes the charging decision in all fatal use of deadly force cases that involve law enforcement officers.”  That sounds like the use of this odd law could launch a legal battle over procedure. That will only delay justice.

The New York Times opines that this maneuver shows that “some African-Americans in Cleveland and around the country have lost confidence in a system that they see as too quick to side with police officers accused of using excessive force against blacks.” African-Americans need to consider the many considerations at issue, not the least of which are their community’s crime problems, the challenges and risks of law enforcement, and the ethical requirement on officials not to make indictment decisions based on demonstrations and threats from activists, or agitating from pundits and activists. We can all agree that too many African-Americans are dying in confrontations with police officers. Warping investigations and due process in order to punish police for poor decisions rather than criminal ones will cause more deaths, not fewer.

The Times story contains several ominous quotes. The Rev. Jawanza K. Colvin, who signed affidavits seeking charges of murder and manslaughter, said,

“We have the video, and having witnessed it, you can see that it took two seconds for the officers to shoot a 12-year-old boy who showed no malicious intent or aggressive behavior. There is certainly reasonable suspicion that a crime was committed.”

The Reverend has no idea what he’s talking about, and is biased, as a prosecutor must not be. The officer didn’t know this was a 12-year-old boy : this is something Colvin knows now from reports. The boy reached to his belt, and the officer had been told he had a gun. That could reasonably be interpreted as malicious intent; the officer was the one with his life on the line, not Colvin. Meanwhile, “reasonable suspicion” is not the standard for charging. The standard is probable cause, not that he would be able to determine what probable cause is.  Colvin wouldn’t want an amateur playing minister in his church; he should leave the prosecution of crimes to those who have studied and practiced criminal law.

Then there is Rhonda Y. Williams, a history professor, who said she planned to sign the affidavit. “Let’s get it into the courts and get it before the people, and let’s get what is happening in the investigation out there to the community. And let’s give the defendants their rights to defend themselves, and let’s have a criminal justice system that works.” A criminal justice system that works is not assisted by the arrogant and presumptuous assistance of  biased bystanders like Williams, whose affidavit has no bearing on the case.

A primary reason the justice system has functioned badly in some of these cases is the over-heated atmosphere and rhetoric poisoning objectivity and procedure.  This attempted mob prosecution will only make matters worse.

______________________

Pointer: Fred again!

Facts: Cleveland, NYT, Newser

11 thoughts on “The Tamir Rice Fiasco: A Step Toward Embracing Mob Justice In Police Shootings

  1. To paraphrase Col. Dave Grossman, just imagine, for sake of argument, that we had to chose an occupation that society would have to do without for a period of two years. Which occupation could we least afford to do without? Teachers? Doctors? Lawyers? It isn’t pleasant to contemplate the loss of any of these, but I suggest that civilization would survive the temporary loss of any of these groups in better shape than the loss of police officers for two years.
    The point is this: It is easy to denigrate or undervalue the police until you seriously consider what we would do if they weren’t there any more, which seems to be what a significant segment of the population is now working toward. I shudder to contemplate the chaos that we are facing.
    Community trust must be earned every day, but it can’t survive these biased, agenda-ridden efforts to bully and short circuit the justice system to achieve mob-pleasing politically correct results at the expense of the most precious commodity we deal in: the truth.

    • The two year test is a poor one, because it starts from one situation and doesn’t allow a transition to alternative arrangements to meet the same needs. For instance, here in Melbourne a brief police strike nearly a century ago triggered a crime wave, but on the other hand crime levels in England before there were any regular police weren’t that high even though they were higher than they became. So it’s unlikely that a brief hiatus would be a true indicator of how things would settle down.

  2. “[j]ust imagine, for sake of argument, that we had to chose (sic) an occupation that society would have to do without for a period of two years. Which occupation could we least afford to do without?'” Certainly, not the media or politicians. Hmm, that is worth imagining.

    • http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/kalief-browder-1993-2015

      The psychotic symptoms are characteristic of those permanently affected by solitary confinement.

      This was, at the least, negligent aggravated homicide. A case can be made for depraved indifference.

      The system is broken. This is of “signature significance”. The Constitution is a bad joke, lots of pretty words, nothing enforced in practice due to one excuse or another.

    • http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/10/06/before-the-law

      Not long after Browder was indicted, an assistant district attorney sent the court a “Notice of Readiness,” stating that “the People are ready for trial.” The case was put on the calendar for possible trial on December 10th, but it did not start that day. On January 28, 2011, Browder’s two-hundred-and-fifty-eighth day in jail, he was brought back to the courthouse once again. This time, the prosecutor said, “The People are not ready. We are requesting one week.” The next court date set by the judge—March 9th—was not one week away but six. As it happened, Browder didn’t go to trial anytime that year. An index card in the court file explains:

      June 23, 2011: People not ready, request 1 week.

      August 24, 2011: People not ready, request 1 day.

      November 4, 2011: People not ready, prosecutor on trial, request 2 weeks.

      December 2, 2011: Prosecutor on trial, request January 3rd.

      On February 17th, he was shuttled to the courthouse once again, but this time he was not brought up from the court pen in time to hear his case called. … If Browder had been in the courtroom on this day, he would have heard a prosecutor offer a new excuse: “Your Honor, the assigned assistant is currently on vacation.” The prosecutor asked for a five-day adjournment; Browder’s lawyer requested March 16th, and the judge scheduled the next court date for then.

      June 29, 2012: People not ready, request one week.

      September 28, 2012: People not ready, request two weeks.

      November 2, 2012: People not ready, request one week.

      December 14, 2012: People not ready, request one week.

      By the end of 2012, Browder had been in jail for nine hundred and sixty-one days and had stood before eight different judges.

      On May 29th, the thirty-first court date on Browder’s case, there was another development. DiMango peered down from the bench. “The District Attorney is really in a position right now where they cannot proceed,” she said. “It is their intention to dismiss the case.” She explained that this could not officially happen until the next court date, which ended up being a week later.

  3. I would suggest that it is not an “attack on due process”. This is a process set up by the legislature. They are utilizing the process, not attacking it. They may be wrong or misguided, but it cannot be considered an attack on due process to utilize the procedures for their intended purpose–to permit a citizen to seek prosecution.

    • You don’t think a law that could theoretically permit the executive/mayor/governor from swearing out an affidavit based on hearsay—like the signers quoted–and submitted to a single judge without chance of appeal, leading to a criminal trial doesn’t bypass due process? I think the law would be declared unconstitutional in a heartbeat, and unanimously.

      • http://codes.ohio.gov/orc/2935.09

        (D) A private citizen having knowledge of the facts who seeks to cause an arrest or prosecution under this section may file an affidavit charging the offense committed with a reviewing official for the purpose of review to determine if a complaint should be filed by the prosecuting attorney or attorney charged by law with the prosecution of offenses in the court or before the magistrate.

        A prosecutor filing charges still needs to go to a grand jury for an indictment, non?

        • I don’t believe I suggested that anyone was. Nonetheless, the indictment, arrest and trial process is abusive enough that no one should be subjected to it without probably cause and the reasonable likelihood that a prosecution can meet the burden of proof. The affidavits of third parties based on second hand accounts are literally useless for showing that. A judge actually approved of charges based on such affidavits. Yes, the Special Prosecutor didn’t end the process regarding George Zimmerman either, and Mosley didn’t end the process regarding the police and Freddie Gray. Still, they were both unethical prosecutions.

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